The question of independence has been a defining issue in New Caledonia since France first colonised the islands in 1853.

Despite decolonisation in territories around the globe, successive French governments succeeded in curtailing self-determination among the Kanak population until the territorial elections of 1984. The newly formed Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) revolted against loyalists of the territory, leading to conflict along a distinct ethnic divide. Tensions rose over the next three years, culminating on May 5, 1988, when violent clashes resulted in the death of 19 separatists and two soldiers.

Following the incident, negotiations between French loyalists and pro-independence advocates led to the signing of the Matignon Accord in 1988 and later the Noumea Accord in 1989. The Noumea agreement was decided by a referendum vote in which 73% of the population voted in favour. It set out a 10-year plan to decide the future of New Caledonia, with a roadmap to increase the territory’s autonomy. In addition to increased political power given to New Caledonia and the indigenous Kanaks over a 20-year period, the accord also included three referendums, deferred for at least 15 years, to decide whether the territory should permanently remain a special collectivity of France.

The first Referendum in 2018 resulted in 57% of people voting for in favour of France. This margin was reduced to 53% in 2020, giving hope for pro-independence campaigners that the final vote would swing in their favour; however, the third vote was marred by controversy. The referendum, scheduled for December 2021, came at a time when New Caledonia was in the grip of a COVID-19 outbreak. The Kanak population were disproportionately affected by the outbreak and requested the referendum be postponed by six months – the request was denied. The Kanak population largely boycotted the vote as a result with 40% less ballots cast than the previous 2020 referendum. Those who did vote were almost unanimous in rejecting independence. While France now considers the matter closed, the pro-independence movement is seeking an international Court of Justice advisory opinion on the legitimacy of the referendum and have demanded a fourth vote.

Since then, the parties have been unable to agree on a path forward. In December 2023, France initiated the process to unfreeze electoral rolls, previously restricted to people who had lived in New Caledonia before 1998 and their children. The change would see the electoral role expand to include all persons who have resided on the territory for over 10 years, many of whom have migrated from France. The French government said the new voting rules was needed so elections would be democratic; however, this was seen by the Kanaks – who currently make up 40% of the population – as increasing the number of Pro-France voters and further diminishing their political voice. In addition, the failing nickel industry, rising unemployment, and wealth disparity have contributed to the discontent amongst Kanak youth.

The French Parliament went ahead with the vote despite calls for it to be cancelled. In response, the largest military wing of the FLNKS, the Field Action Coordination Committee (CCAT), called for industrial action and civil unrest to send a message to Paris. Violence, vandalism, looting, and arson broke out on 13 May 2024 following protests in Noumea from pro-Independence groups. The protestors’ readiness to use firearms, target vital infrastructure, and carry out large-scale damage to private property prompted a forceful response. Three Kanak protestors were quickly killed by security forces which set the stage for more unrest. Protest leaders could not control the violence and all major political parties in New Caledonia publicly sought to distance themselves from the unrest.

The outbreak of violence sparked a mass exodus of international visitors. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Australian Defence Force coordinated the assisted departure of approximately 350 Australians from the country, as well as citizens from neighbouring Pacific Islands.

Image: Australian Government and ADF provide Australians and Pacific Islanders chartered flights to leave New Caledonia following civil unrest (May 2024) – ADF

Movement was restricted by makeshift roadblocks, schools were closed, food and fuel became scarce, and public services stopped running. Despite France being responsible for maintaining law and order, it became apparent that local security forces were unable to control the situation. Eventually, France declared a state of emergency and sent up to 3,000 police and military reinforcements, including armoured vehicles, from France. An 1800-0600 curfew was implemented, and alcohol sales were banned. Scores of people were arrested, including Christian Tien, the leader of the CCAT who instigated the protests.

By the time the violence ended, 10 people had been killed and over 300 injured. Over 700 businesses were attacked, severely damaging New Caledonia’s economy, especially in the Ducos industrial zone. This has sparked fears that there will be an exodus of businesspeople from the territory, undermining New Caledonia’s ability to provide high quality healthcare, education, and infrastructure for its people. The French Government will also have to foot the damage bill, estimated at nearly 1 billion Euros, as the Government of New Caledonia is not able to do so.

French President Emmanuel Macron announced a temporary pause in deciding New Caledonia voting reform and said the enhanced security forces would remain in place as long as necessary. The repressive measures implemented to restore law and order have been widely criticised, particularly by members of the Pacific Forum who consider France ultimately responsible.

In June 2024, another round of violence ensued, following a decision by French authorities to transfer pro-independence activists, including Christian Tein, 17,000 kilometres away to France for detention. The CCAT leader is charged with complicity in attempted murder, organised theft with a weapon, organised destruction of private property while endangering people, and participation in a criminal group with an intent to plan a crime. Political and legal observers say the decision violates rights — including the right to respect for family life — and will only make the situation more volatile.

For further information on New Caledonia’s search for independence, see the resources below:

Videos

1. https://youtu.be/Rvm91Ty93wI?si=XpkRyx7QhlIYtxII

Podcast

1. How New Caledonia caught fire (The Guardian, ‘Full Story’, 20m 26s)
2. What’s behind the worst violence in decades in New Caledonia? (SBS News In Depth, 5m 49s)
3. Crisis in New Caledonia: Kiwis caught up as political tensions turn to violence (NZ Herald, ‘The Front Page’, 21m)

Articles

1. After three referendums, France still faces major challenges in New Caledonia | The Strategist (aspistrategist.org.au)Déjà vu in New Caledonia: why decades of political failure will make this uprising hard to contain (theconversation.com)
2. New Caledonia’s independence referendum: Local and regional implications | Lowy Institute
3. Why an approved constitutional amendment in New Caledonia led to deadly violence in the French overseas territory - ABC News
4. New Caledonia: Six questions to understand the current crisis (lemonde.fr)
5. Crisis in New Caledonia - Devpolicy Blog from the Development Policy Centre
6. Russia, Azerbaijan exploit New Caledonian strife against France; China stays mum | The Strategist (aspistrategist.org.au)
7. French response in New Caledonia risks helping China, analysts say | Reuters
8. New Caledonia: after Macron’s dissolution, what happens to the controversial constitutional amendment? | RNZ News
9. France, New Caledonia and the Indo-Pacific | The Strategist (aspistrategist.org.au)
10. Macron faces resistance in New Caledonia | The Strategist (aspistrategist.org.au)