Facts and figures

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Bangladesh 2024 Uprising

In 2024, Bangladesh experienced a major political upheaval that changed the country’s trajectory. What began as insignificant student protests over a historical public service quota system escalated into nationwide unrest. The quota system was viewed by many as unfair, rewarding government loyalists and elitists over the general population. While this issue was the focus, deeper structural problems had been simmering for years, including accusations of corruption, suppression of dissent, restricted employment for youth, and lack of accountability.

The government’s response to early protests was heavy-handed. Security forces deployed police, paramilitary units, and even in some cases the Army was called in to support. Restrictions on movement, internet, and mobile communications were imposed during the worst of the crackdown. As violence escalated and the number of dead and wounded mounted, public anger grew, and protests widened beyond students, drawing in workers, professionals, and ordinary citizens who were frustrated at the entrenched inequality and lack of opportunity.

By early August, Bangladesh was in a de facto crisis with mass protests, breakdown of public trust in state institutions, widespread arrests, and repeated clashes between protesters and security forces. The defining moment came when large crowds of protesters marched on the residence of the Prime Minister (the official house). According to media reports, thousands poured into the grounds, carrying away furniture and state-owned items. This scene marked a dramatic collapse of the state’s ability to protect even its highest-security installation. Army chief, Waker‑Uz‑Zaman, addressed the nation soon after, announcing that Prime Minister Hasina had resigned and that the military would “restore peace” and form an interim government.

Prime Minister Sheik Hasina fled the country by helicopter to India. No formal address was made to tender her resignation. Within a day of Hasina’s flight, the head of state – President Mohammed Shahabuddin – dissolved the national parliament. A 13-member student delegation, together with two university professors, met with military leaders, resulting in a consensus: Muhammad Yunus – Nobel laureate and economic/social reforms advocate – was appointed as the Chief Adviser (head) of the interim government on the 8th of August 2024.

In Dhaka and other major cities, there were big celebrations; however, the collapse of order also created fear and uncertainty. Reports emerged of armed mobilisations in some areas, and many ordinary citizens, including civil servants and business owners, worried about their safety. International media described the moment as both a “revolution” and a “dangerous gamble” – a transition driven not by ballots but by protest, street power, and military intervention.

Since fleeing to India, Hasina has given at least one major public interview where she described the August 5 events as being precipitated by a “violent insurrection”, not a popular democratic uprising. She rejected the narrative that she deliberately ordered violent crackdowns and insisted that allegations she commanded security forces to fire on protesters are false. She has framed herself as a deposed leader who remains committed to “restoring democracy.”

Hasina’s departure was inevitable due to a range of factors:

  • The visibility of state violence and the breakdown of law and order eroded both internal and external legitimacy for her government,
  • Security forces were either unable or unwilling to protect even the Prime Minister’s residence,
  • The military appears to have judged that a negotiated exit – via a caretaker government – was needed to avoid protracted civil war, further bloodshed, and probable international isolation, and
  • The unrest and shutdowns threatened foreign investment, trade, remittances, and foreign relations.

The Yunus interim government moved quickly to stabilise the country. It ordered the release of detained protesters, promised impartial investigations into deaths during the protests, dismissed several senior security and administrative officials implicated in violent actions, and pledged institutional reforms. It also set a timeline for implementing reforms in preparation for nationwide elections.

Student leaders, who were sceptical at first, participated in consultations and credited the Yunus government with at least partially satisfying their immediate demands for accountability and non-partisan oversight. International actors welcomed the rapid de-escalation but urged careful protection of due process and human rights.

The interim authority had to balance students’ vigilante demands for swift justice, military preferences for order, and diplomatic sensitivities – particularly relations with India where Hasina sought refuge. One of the earliest priorities was to reform the security sector and create oversight mechanisms to prevent future abuses. Alongside this, an anti-corruption board was set up to investigate high-level procurement, infrastructure contracts, and bank accounts linked to former officials and allies.

Restoring press freedom was one of the key promises made by the Yunis interim government. Some restrictive measures on press freedoms were rolled back early on – it released certain jailed journalists, suspended selective prosecutions under digital laws, and pledged to reform media regulation to protect investigative reporting and press pluralism. Observers noted a cautious reopening of civic space; independent outlets returned to more in-depth coverage while being watched by newly empowered oversight bodies. However, the Information, Communication and Technology (ICT) Act has remained, and the extremely unpopular Digital Securities Act (DSA) of 2018 was replaced by the Cyber Security Act (CSA), which has been criticised as equally, if not more, oppressive.

In May 2025, the interim government took one of its most controversial political steps: it temporarily banned the Awami League – or at least its public activities – pending conclusions of special tribunals investigating the deaths and alleged criminality during the uprising and subsequent crackdowns. The ban was executed under counterterrorism and emergency provisions and was justified by authorities as a temporary measure to prevent further violence and to protect victims’ rights while investigations proceeded. The move was praised by many protest supporters but criticised as politically fraught by some international observers.

Some opposition parties that had been suppressed under Hasina sought rapprochement with the interim authorities and new civic and youth organisations entered national politics for the first time. Older parties scrambled to clarify their positions on accountability, economic policy, and relations with India and China. Meanwhile, the Awami League’s ban and the legal cases against its leadership created a leadership vacuum among its supporters. Some local figures opted toward negotiations with the interim government while others adopted insurgent rhetoric.

The Hasina Trial

Special tribunals were established to adjudicate what the interim authority described as criminal actions leading to mass fatalities and abuses. These tribunals moved quickly. In 2025, a high-profile and politically charged verdict handed down a death sentence against Sheik Hasina in connection to the repression and deaths during the uprising. The sentence, and the prospect of extradition requests to India where Hasina was in exile, produced strong reactions inside Bangladesh and internationally. While the many relatives of victims and students celebrated the verdict, there have been calls internationally for transparent appeals and international standards of due process. The death sentence remains the most polarising development that has big implications on foreign policy and internal unity. While India and Bangladesh have an extradition treaty, India has so far refused to act on it.

For more information on the 2024 Bangladesh uprising, see the resources below:

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